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This article explores the devices employed by the medieval Welsh narrator of Owain, or Chwedyl Iarlles y Ffynnawn (‘The Story of the Lady of the Well’), to convey emotions and the mental states of his characters to his audiences. Although he generally remains inaudible, he uses, at some crucial points, words and phrases denoting emotions in a narrow sense, such as love, sadness and shame, in order to direct and steer the audiences’ perception and their understanding of the narrative. A comparison with thematically related texts, Chrétien de Troyes’ Yvain, and its Old Norse, Old Swedish and Middle English translations, helps to assess the narrative role of literary emotions in the Welsh text.
Hugh de Lacy’s deeds in Languedoc as a companion of Simon de Montfort during the Albigensian Crusade are known to us less from charters or annals than from a literary text, the Canso de la Crusada. The literary genre of the historical poem, be it Geste, Roman or Chanson (Canso in Provençal) was an important device not only as a tool of propaganda but also for shaping the identity of social groups in twelfth and thirteenthcentury Europe. Members of the de Lacy family are celebrated in such texts over three generations in Ireland, England and France. In Ireland, the reading or declaiming of such pieces was part of a wider cultural context where French was not only used among the warrior elite and the monastic orders but also by influent town folks as a prestigious medium reflecting the status of their town. The circulation of French texts in medieval Ireland lasted and implies the existence of complex networks. An interesting example is the TCD manuscript which contains the Annals of Multifarnham Abbey and also includes a poem in French lamenting the death of Simon de Montfort the younger.
[EN] Hecataeus and Herodotus, who were contemporary with the earliest Celtic-language inscriptions in northern Italy and southern Switzerland, have been misunderstood as localising the Celts in Austria and south-west Germany, with the unfortunate result that its archaeological ‘Hallstatt culture’ has been wrongly labelled ‘Celtic’. In fact, Hecataeus and Herodotus point to locations in Gaul (as later confirmed by Timagetus, Pytheas, and Apollonius of Rhodes) and possibly in part of the Hispanic Peninsula (as stated by Ephorus in the fourth century). The Celtic area or areas in the Peninsula to which Herodotus and Ephorus may refer cannot now be defined, but need not have extended west of Celtiberia in central Spain, which is later the source of the earliest Celtic inscriptions in the Peninsula. In the mid-fourth century the Italian Celtic settlements around the Po valley are referred to by Pseudo-Scylax, and possibly by Apollonius in the third. By Apollonius’ day, Celts were already migrating eastwards, so that any subsequent evidence for their location, including onomastic data, is of doubtful value compared to that of the earlier writers, especially Hecataeus and Herodotus, despite their evident limitations and Mediterranean perspective. Even the earliest writers are too late to guide us to the area where the Celts and the Celtic language emerged. Negatively, however, we can conclude that they neither support a location in Germany or Austria in the east nor support a location on the Atlantic seaboard in the west. What they say is certainly consonant with Celtic origins in Gaul, but that hypothesis cannot be taken further without attaching speculative ethnic labels to prehistoric archaeological data.
[EN] The paper focuses on the celticisation of the Iberian Peninsula several centuries before the Christian Era. This process could have begun in Gallaecia, a region on the NW of Spain that had maintained social and commercial relations with Armorica (today's Bretagne) and the British Isles since the Neolithic. The gradual celticisation of most of the Iberian Peninsula could have developed from this area through a slow process of acculturation, or cumulative celticisation, and not as a result of waves of invaders as previously believed. This celticisation model, which probably took place over hundreds of years, could have been the same in the whole Atlantic Area and adjacent European territories. Current assumptions on the celticisation of Ireland support this theory.
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